Campaign News
picketing Zanu PF meetings in London - 4th / 5th July 2016 PDF Print E-mail
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Friday, 01 July 2016 00:11
Zanu PF are descending on London next week in a desperate plea for money. Please come and join the Vigil in two demonstrations – details below. These will count as Vigil attendances.

Finance Minister Patrick Chinamasa speaks at Chatham House from 12 noon – 1 pm on Monday 4th July

Chinamasa will talk about Zanu PF's economic agenda and no doubt promise to stop looting, act against corruption and observe the rule of law. The Vigil and ROHR will hand out leaflets to people attending explaining why Zanu PF cannot be believed.

Protest details
Date and time: Monday 5th July from 11.30 am – 1.30 pm.
Venue: The Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House, 10 St James's Square, London SW1Y 4LE
Directions: nearest station: Piccadilly Circus (Piccadilly and Bakerloo lines) and Green Park (Piccadilly and Victoria lines). From Piccadilly outside Lillywhite's sports shop go south down Regent Street, take first right into Jermyn Street then second left into Duke of York Street. Chatham House is at the end of Duke of York Street on the the corner with St James's Square. From Green Park, go towards Piccadilly Station along the right side of Piccadilly, take the second right into St James's Street, then first left into Jermyn Street and third right in Duke of York Street.

Chinamasa will be joined by billionaire Obert Mpofu and other Zanu PF gangsters at a conference in London on Tuesday 5th July

The Vigil and ROHR are picketing the conference at which Zanu PF will try to persuade the world that it is reforming and should be bailed out with Western loans. We are being joined by the MDC in the UK.

We will be outside the meeting to tell any prospective investors the real reasons why Zimbabwe has run out of money and why the world should be sceptical about any assurances given by the likes of Chinamasa, Minister of Macro Economic Planning and Investment Promotion Obert Mpofu (unaccountably one of the richest men in Zimbabwe) and Mike Bimha, Minister of Industry and Commerce. They are listed to speak at the conference along with Reserve Bank governor John Mangudya.
We will hand out leaflets to delegates as they arrive for the Conference which starts at 9 am. There will be a break for lunch from 1 – 2.30 pm and the conference will continue till 7.15 pm.

Supporters can join us at any time during the day but we think we have the best chance of making an impression when they arrive.

Protest at Zimbabwe Conference 2016 ‘Rebooting and Rebuilding’. Tuesday 5th July from 8 am onwards. Venue: outside DLA Piper UK LLP, 3 Noble Street, London EC2V 7EE. For more information:

Directions: nearest stations are St Paul's (Central line) and Barbican (Circle, Metropolitan, Hammersmith and City lines). From St Paul's go north up St Martin's Le Grand, right into Gresham Street and left into Noble Street. From Barbican go south down Aldersgate Street then turn left into London Wall at the Museum of London. Noble Street is the next right. Buses are 4, 56 and 76 – get off at stop 'Museum of London'.

For both protest we will bring banners, flags, leaflets, posters, drum, register and camera.

More information: Fungayi Mabhunu 07907089899, Rose Benton 07970996003.
British medical centre run by Zimbabwean doctor closed PDF Print E-mail
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Monday, 13 June 2016 11:47



A medical centre in Nottingham run by a black Zimbabwean doctor has been closed. Zimbabwean exiles have staged repeated demonstrations outside the clinic in protest at the doctor’s violent seizure of a white-owned farm in Zimbabwe.


In February the Zimbabwe Vigil protest group presented a petition to 10 Downing Street calling on the government to consider revoking the British citizenship of Dr Sylvester Nyatsuro, who runs the Willows Medical Centre with his wife Veronica. Dr Nyatsuro has lived in the UK for 15 years and lives with his family in a large and luxurious house nearby valued at around £750,000.


They say that they were simply allocated the farm by the Zimbabwe government and denied any nepotism was involved. But photographs emerged showing the couple socializing with Grace Mugabe.


The Vigil also drew the matter to the attention for the National Health Service which has responsibility for the clinic. Last week inspectors from the Care Quality Commission visited the centre and took immediate action to close it until further notice. Patients are being directed to other practices.


The UK government says the question of Dr Nyatsuro’s citizenship is being looked at by the Home Office. The Vigil argues that they are clearly Mugabe supporters and citizenship could have been obtained by means of fraud or false representation. The Nyatsuros have no known farming experience. 



Times story PDF Print E-mail
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Sunday, 12 June 2016 20:17

Cash runs dry after Mugabe plunders banks

Jan Raath, Harare

June 6 2016, 12:01am, The Times

Zimbabweans have endured shortages of fuel, food and water for decades: now the country is running out of cash.

Hundreds queue at cash machines in Harare, often in vain. When banks have cash to dispense, it can take two hours to reach the front of the queue but a daily withdrawal cap has been cut from $2,000 just a month ago to about $300. It is widely believed that the banks have had to curb withdrawals because President Mugabe’s government is illegally demanding loans that force them to raid customers’ savings.

The 92-year-old leader, who often travels abroad and has been out of the country for the past three weeks, takes about $4 million in cash with him on every overseas trip, Tendai Biti, the former finance minister, said last week.

One bank customer, Barry Phillips, who runs a printing company, said that he queued for two hours only to be told that he could not withdraw the $6,000 he needed to pay his staff. “I asked the teller how much they were letting corporate customers have. A hundred dollars, he said. I’m panicking now. I can’t pay my workers, and they aren’t going to work without pay,” he added.

Zimbabweans fear that economic collapse is imminent. The economy nearly shut down in 2008, amid an inflation rate of 5,000,000,000 per cent. Mr Mugabe ordered banknotes worth about 1,000 billion Zimbabwean dollars to be printed. Quickly deemed worthless, the local currency was abandoned and black market US dollars took over. The US dollar became the official national currency in 2009.

Under Mr Mugabe’s rule, high taxes, labour laws that made sackings nearly impossible and demands that white-owned businesses hand over 51 per cent of their ownership to black Zimbabweans, have caused most of the country’s industrial base to shut down. The eviction of white farmers has, in effect, wiped out surplus farm produce. Fifteen years ago, supermarket shelves were filled with locally produced goods: now almost every product is imported — and that trade is seriously under threat.

“I’m struggling to pay my suppliers in South Africa,” said Vincent Hwende, who owns a supermarket. “Before, I could order a transfer from the bank and it would be in their account a day or two later. Now it’s taking three weeks, or longer. They won’t accept that. I just can’t operate any more.”

Eddie Cross, an economist, said that the country was running out of cash, partly because Mr Mugabe’s government was borrowing it illegally from the private banks, taking at least half of retail deposits. “Every bank in Zimbabwe is technically broke,” he said.

Rampant corruption accounts for a major chunk of state spending. Critics point to the home of Augustine Chihuri, the Zimbabwean police chief, on the eastern outskirts of Harare, marked by an enormous dome. Property consultants estimate that the building cost more than $5 million.

The International Monetary Fund has told the government that “profound economic transformation” is the only way to deal with the crisis. But Eldred Masunungure, a political analyst, said: “They don’t know how to take the country forward and there is little hope among citizens on how this regime can redeem us from the economic abyss.”

Mr Mugabe has been away from Harare for almost three weeks, travelling to South Africa, Singapore and Papua New Guinea with a delegation believed to be 60-strong, to attend a meeting of the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific group of states. He was the only head of state who turned up. Local media reported that he has travelled to Singapore for medical treatment ten times since January. He has also been to Uganda, Russia, India, Ethiopia and Equatorial Guinea, usually with a large entourage.

Obert Gutu, spokesman for the opposition MDC party, put his travel bill so far this year at $80 million.

Suggested Letter to your MP PDF Print E-mail
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Monday, 28 March 2016 06:27

To find your MP, click on, type in your postcode or constituency. This will take you to your MP and their contact details.


Your address


Dear (MP name)


Below is a letter written to two prominent British MPs by the Zimbabwe Vigil and its sister organisation the Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe seeking their support for the expulsion from the UK of a Nottingham GP Dr Sylvester Nyatsuro and his wife Veronica who have seized a farm in Zimbabwe.


The MPs are the former long-time cabinet minister Ken Clarke who represents the Conservative Party in Rushcliffe constituency, Nottingham, in which the Nyatsuros have a large and luxurious home and Vernon Coaker, a minister in the last Labour government who represents the neighbouring constituency of Gedling, in which the Nyatsuros run an NHS clinic.


Zimbabwean exiles in the UK ask for your help as we continue our protest against Nottingham GP Dr Sylvester Nyatsuro and his wife Veronica who run a NHS clinic in Carlton, Nottingham. They have violently seized a farm in Zimbabwe from a white Zimbabwean couple who bought it some 30 years ago with the approval of the Mugabe regime. Dr Nyatsuro claims he has been allocated the farm although he has lived in the UK for the past 15 years and is a British citizen.


You will be aware of the desperate situation in Zimbabwe, in particular the real threat of mass starvation. The UN recently warned up to a third of the population are facing hunger.


The Zimbabwe Vigil which campaigns in the UK for human rights in Zimbabwe, along with our sister organisation the  Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe, has submitted a petition to the government calling for the revocation of the Nyatsuros’ British citizenship (see:


The petition is currently being considered by the Home Office. We feel that the support of a former Conservative Lord Chancellor and a former Labour Home Office Minister such as yourselves would add weight to our request. 


On a broader front we are campaigning for the situation in Zimbabwe to be discussed in Parliament and have enlisted the support of Kate Hoey MP, Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Zimbabwe and, on the Conservative side, Alok Sharma MP for Reading West and others.


We have staged a number of demonstrations outside the Nyatsuros’ clinic which have received widespread publicity and plan to stage another demonstration there to keep up the pressure on them to make up their minds between farming in Zimbabwe and doctoring in the UK. 


I am a Zimbabwean exile living in your constituency and hope you can support the aims of this letter.

‘No one listens to him. What a backward man.’ PDF Print E-mail
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Sunday, 21 February 2016 20:23



Speaking exclusively to The Sunday Times, Robert Mugabe’s former vice-president announces her bid for power in Zimbabwe


Christina Lamb Published: 21 February 2016


It sounds like something penned by Shakespeare on acid. An evil tyrant rules over his people for decades, owing his power to his military commander, who then perishes in a mysterious fire. That man’s widow, Joice Mujuru — widely known as Comrade Spill Blood — then sees herself as the rightful successor to the ageing tyrant, only to find that the latter’s wife has other ideas.


Today, as Robert Mugabe, the world’s oldest head of state, turns 92, he will get a most unwelcome birthday present. He faces his first challenge from within his innermost circle — a gauntlet thrown down by his former vice-president, the woman who used to call him Father. Joice Mujuru has chosen today to launch her own opposition party, People First.


When I meet her in her house in Zimbabwe, she is understandably nervous. Resplendent in a scarlet jacket, with golden boots dangling from her ears, she fusses about where to sit. Taking on one of the world’s last totalitarian regimes is a risky business — especially from someone who was embedded at the very heart of it. For years, Mugabe has retained power by playing potential rivals in his Zanu-PF party off against each other. But recently something has changed. There is a sense that Zimbabwe is in the dying days of empire.


“I think this is pointing to the end,” says Mujuru. “He no longer has the energy to tell them to stop, and no one listens to him. He has no respect now — from anybody. It’s painful.” According to Mujuru, Mugabe often falls asleep in cabinet meetings. “He would speak for 15 minutes then nod off and I would then chair the meeting, with everyone ignoring the fact he was asleep.”


Making this challenge is not something Mujuru, 60, has done lightly. For almost 35 years, she was at Mugabe’s side. She was the youngest minister in his first cabinet, while her husband was his army chief. For 10 years she was his vice-president, widely seen as his heiress apparent. But then Mugabe’s own wife, Grace, 50, began to nurture political ambitions of her own. Known as Gucci Grace or the First Shopper — she is said to have once spent £75,000 on a single spree in Paris — she was apparently worried about securing her future and that of her four children. In September 2014 she launched her own campaign. “They say I want to be president,” she told one rally. “Why not? Am I not a Zimbabwean?”


Mugabe has long been thought to be suffering from ill health. Last month he was rumoured to be on the verge of death in a clinic in the Far East, yet he still insisted he had no plans to retire, saying: “I will be there until God says come.” Some believe that Grace is already running things. “Her power only lasts as long as he is there,” says Mujuru. “She said she will buy him a wheelchair that will make him speak even when he’s dead.”


One of Grace Mugabe’s main targets is Joice Mujuru. “She saw me as a threat — they both did,” says Mujuru. Grace went on state TV to denounce Mujuru, accusing her of wanting to kill Mugabe and of having consulted witch doctors to bring about his death. Is that true? “I’m a Christian and a member of the Salvation Army,” Mujuru retorts. “I have never used magic. A head of state using his platform to lie and believing stories about frogs being kept in a calabash, and if one dies then he will die? I said to myself, ‘What a backward man.’” Appeals to the president got her nowhere. After one cabinet meeting, she asked Mugabe if he really believed she wanted to kill him. “I am hearing it from the ministry of intelligence,” he replied.


Horrified, Mujuru told him: “Father, if you are my shed and protecting me from the sun, how can I take an axe and destroy that shed? I’d be a mad person. I am only banking on you to look after me.” She left that meeting in fear. “My mouth was completely dry,” she recalls. In December 2014, Mujuru found herself unceremoniously sacked as vice-president. “It was the shock of my life,” she says.


Today, she describes herself as a “grandmother and a chicken farmer”. She has 10 grandchildren and 135,000 chickens on a farm seized at gunpoint from a white farmer as part of Mugabe’s landgrab. Mujuru may be out in the cold, but she still lives the life of a Zanu-PF apparatchik, dividing her time between the farm and a vast house in the northern suburbs of Harare, complete with tennis court, large empty swimming pool, gazebo and black-marble fountain gushing water — despite the country’s worst drought and famine in decades.


For someone who left school to join the bush war at 18, and who rose to No 2 in the regime, she seems tense. She is not used to speaking to western journalists — for years, we were banned. She knows the risks of speaking out. Throughout the interview, she never uses Mugabe’s name, referring instead to “He”, as if he were a deity.


We begin by talking about her childhood as the daughter of subsistence farmers in Mount Darwin, in what was then the British colony of Rhodesia. Like most black children at the time, Joice found herself at schools that taught carpentry, agriculture and domestic science rather than academic studies. “African children were expected to go into stereotype jobs,” she says. “Girls would be nurses or schoolteachers and males policemen or land agents.”


She was saved by the Salvation Army, which arranged her a scholarship at a high school. She was starting her O-levels when guerrillas came to her village in November 1973 to recruit for the bush war against the white regime. “They explained why this war was being carried out. I was one of the only girls in my village who had gone to high school, and they gave my example as someone who could have completed my education if I hadn’t been derailed into the African schools.”


She signed up. She was given a semi-automatic rifle and rudimentary training, and in February 1974, aged 18, she shot down a Rhodesian helicopter. “We’d been told, ‘If you see a helicopter, count as if you are measuring three unseen helicopters in front of it, and keep shooting at that point, and the shot will meet the real helicopter.’ I don’t know how it happened, but the bullet hit the helicopter and I saw it catching fire and the soldiers all disappearing, then it came down 2 or 3km away and I heard the sound of it dropping. Then I ran.


“If they had captured me, I would have been killed. But heavy rain came, which saved me from the dogs and horses the whites sent after me, and I followed the drains, which were full of water, so the dogs couldn’t get my trail.” Later, she fell ill with cerebral malaria.


While she was recuperating, Joice met her future husband, Solomon Mujuru. “I didn’t then expect us to become long-lasting partners, but he was a likeable person, and when I realised the war would be long and I was growing up and needed a partner, and he did, too, we decided to formalise it.” She says Solomon helped cement Mugabe’s power base. “My husband used to risk his life to go and talk to [Mugabe]… then come back and talk to the other commanders to accept him. [Mugabe] owed a lot to him and the family.”


When independence from Britain came in 1980, it was “very exciting… it was about rebuilding the country and uniting the society. We were working with the white people who tried to kill us, but when you talk to each other, you realised human beings were all the same. We didn’t want to kill, we wanted to change the system.”


She describes Mugabe’s inaugural speech on independence (“This is now time to beat our swords into ploughshares”) as a model of reconciliation. “I don’t know if he was just stage-managing or really believed it then,” she says.

Aged 24, and by then the mother of two girls, Mujuru had become the youngest minister, in charge of sports and culture. “It was very difficult juggling being a mother, a student, doing a job you don’t understand,” she says. “I don’t know how I did it, only God knows.”


In that first decade, Mujuru says they were intent on improving the country. “At that time I didn’t see anything wrong or amiss, as I was focusing on my job.” She now describes the regime as “a full dictatorship”. But how can people trust someone who was part of the system for so long and shared in its spoils? “It’s difficult to pick a good sheep among the bad,” she replies. “But people will vouch they saw me doing good things and never heard me giving a hate speech or encouraging others to kill or beat each other.”


In August 2011, Joice was woken by a phone call from a maid on the farm, saying the house was on fire and her husband was inside. Solomon Mujuru had retired from the military and politics in the 1990s and was busy mining diamonds, but remained in the politburo and was seen as the only person who would stand up to Mugabe. Still in her pyjamas, Joice drove to the farm, arriving around 1.30am. “Harare fire brigade was there, but had no water,” she recalls, “so we had to use the farm bowsers, and we tried to pour water on his body. There was a blue, blue flame, almost 1½ to 2 metres high, not normal at all. It seemed to me there was some kind of accelerant.”


That wasn’t all that was strange. Solomon seemed to have made no effort to escape. The carpet underneath his body was not burnt. Joice believes he had been shot first. A local white farmer who rushed to the scene said he believed a white phosphorus grenade was used to burn the body. “I can’t say who did it, but they know, the people in power. It will come out,” says Joice. “Mugabe?” I ask. She purses her lips.


Even so, she stayed in the cabinet and campaigned for Mugabe in the 2013 elections. He won an unexpected landslide. Was it rigged? “I never saw the rigging… I am sure it was a very small clique that was doing it.”


After her husband’s death she took over the farm, taking a £1.7m bank loan to expand. “I love farming,” she says. She insists that when she was informed (by letter) that she had been sacked, she intended to retire. “It was the people who came and asked me, ‘Comrade Teurai Ropa [Spill Blood], we want you to lead us, we want someone who can listen to us.’ So I agreed. I will lead them.”

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